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End signs of Burmese Democratic revolution

The End Signs of Burmese Democratic Revolution

Are there enough signs yet?



In world politics, assassination is common, leaving us the good, the bad and the ugly leader’s unexpected or untimely departures. John F. Kennedy, Mahatma Gandhi, Aung San, Takhin Tan Thun, and many world admirable leaders were assassinated and it is unknown how many more will have to go thru the same path. The last two American presidents, President Clinton and President Bush remained unharmed from the assassins, while Ronald Reagan survived. In Asia , it appeared to be that assassination practice is abandoned by even the cruelest politicians. But among underground political movement, there have been unpopular assassinations, killings, and murdering without much world media attention. It is unanswered question whether the process of democratization and progress of civilization has shaped the minds, thoughts and behaviors of the world’s most vicious politicians to discontinue the practice of assassination.


A couple of years ago, the SPDC’s attempted to murder Daw Aung San Suu Kyi by steering up mod style political assassination attempt which failed amazingly. Recently, in their press statement, the Falam Huhuam Pawlkom (FHP), which is known as the Falam ( Chin State ) local citizens’ self protective social organization, stated that several of their leaders have received death warning or similar to assassination warning if they do not stop any activity against the Chin underground political organizations’ forced money collection from local citizens. Quote:


II. Warning letters have been received by some top leaders of Falam (Chin State). The senders, using nick-names and false names to cover up their true identities, warned the leaders to keep silent or face even assassination.
We declare in the clearest term that if any of us, big or small, leader or follower, who is working to safeguard the interest of the people is harmed in any way, we will not rest in peace till the culprits are brought to justice.

 (Dated April 9, 2007.chinland@yahoogroups.com)


(This warning letters are assumed to be generated by the CNF leadership to the FHP leaders inside the country. Out of nine districts in Chin state, Tidim and Tawnzang districts successfully campaigned against the interference of the CNF/A in 2002, and now the Falam district has formed a grassroots social organization called FHP to prevent underground armed groups from forced money collection and interfering local citizens’ peace. The Kchos from southern Chin state also voiced their strong voice against the CNF’s interference of local citizens).


Although there have been killings and politicking hatred among the 8888 general students pro-democratic movement as well as among non-Burman ethnic insurgent groups, the assassination took place in rare cases. The Burmese military might have attempted to assassinate several popular pro-democratic leaders both outside and inside the country in the past. However, now, assuming itself having a better position at the political turning table toward democratic process, it obviously has chosen the other side of the tool-to negotiate with anyone any group who would compliance with its conditional terms, leaving assassination practice to others as optional. The Burmese military leaders’ partial dream have come true that that is to break the opposition stronghold away and help them fight among them, whether in a jungle battle or competition in over ground political opportunity. The Karen, based on religion, and latter on policy breakaway, the Kachin, the Shan, the Chin, the 8888 students, the women groups, and so on and on. The breaking away with reasonable cause is unpreventable, let’s say, even without the help of the SPDC. However, fighting each other, assassinating opponents, distancing from the mainstream public political idea, corruption, terrorizing the innocent civilians are signs of the end of Burmese democratic revolution. The Burmese military experienced dealing heavy warfare both ethnic war as well as ideological war, with the Karen and with the Burmese Communist party respectively. The military do remember the signs of the end of such revolution and they know how to put their hands on them. The east has shown enough signs, and now the west, if those political syndromes are correctly interpreted.



Another sign of the end of Burmese revolution is talking with the SPDC. The Burmese opposition formed political alliances such as NDF, DAB, NCUB, and among Chin, CNC, and many more, that are, at first, appeared to be collective forces of the opposition stronghold. However, the SPDC, like a wild wolf picking its breakfast one by one among sheep in the jungle, picked them one by one in order to enslave them one by one with its political trap. Although talking with the SPDC is not necessarily a sign of the end, the way the SPDC takes an upper hand in dealing with the 18 armed groups already under control and the rest of its next breakfast shows a clear sign of the end of Burmese revolution. Now, the opposition’s mental impulses are openly or secretly directed to opportunities rather than effective change.


The polarized political alliances remained like elephant skeletons as shows to the international communities. The breaking-away, the assassinations attempts, terrorization of public leaders, and the one-on-one dealing with the SPDC have shown enough signs for today’s generation that the Burmese democratic revolution has hit its end-wall. Therefore, people’s ears now turn to expect the mercy of slow progress of the Burmese political evolution, dancing day by day in favor of the military leaders. At the same time, not leaving hope against hope of such miraculous change that might be brought to the Burmese society by angry nature gods and goddesses.  



Note: No Burmese military leaders have been assassinated by the opposition movement since 1992.